On George Michalopulos’ site, Monomakhos, readers have been arguing about yet another confusing and boring topic involving ecclesial politics in the O.C.A. I sometimes attempt to follow these discussions for the interesting tangents that appear in the threads. Just so, comments in the recent post about Bishop Melchizedek referred to the Pokrov crew. Pokrov is a web site that publicizes accusations of clerical impropriety. It claims to be “a resource for survivors of abuse in the Orthodox Church.” Though such a ministry seems beneficial, the witch hunting tendencies of Pokrov remind me of the politically ambitious district attorneys who ginned up sexual abuse cases against the childcare industry decades ago in order to appear as protectors of the people. Commentator Helga wrote:
My experience of reading “Pokrov” is that they are attention-seekers who feed off of strife and upheaval. . . .
Also, Pokrov seems to glory in creating scandal where none exists . . .
My friend Andrew coined the condition that the Pokrov women suffer “moral greed.” It consists in eagerly anticipating scandal so that one may exercise outrage and disgust. For it is in railing against whatever abuse or “social injustice” the morally greedy encounter that they find their happiness and self actualization. It is Manicheism for the Lifetime Channel, though the fastidiousness of these righteous ones curiously only applies to a narrow spectrum of proper behavior. The hypocrisy and prelest of the Puritans of yore have been passed down to their post-Christian heirs who manifest that old hallowed sanctimony in The Vagina Monologues, Shantytowns, and P.E.T.A. antics. With Pokrov, it is not as bad. The Pokrovettes are more like Nancy Grace in a Russian shawl.
Lusting after power and prestige has often accompanied social reformers and crusaders for progress, from the Gracchi to that patchouli smelly girl on campus who refuses to shave her armpits lest she capitulate to the phallocracy. Whether these folks pander to the masses or score self righteous street cred among fellow radicals, many who claim to seek the betterment of mankind are simply competing for status and gain among their peculiar peers. Even a brief sojourn with leftist activists will teach you all that you need to know about the character type. True love of virtue and true charity for mankind are much rarer, and the bearers of such qualities typically improve the world without making their chief focus the shortcomings of everyone else.
There is obviously a need for muckraking in this fallen world, and the weak will always require champions on their behalf. However, there is a temptation that follows such good work, wherein one aquires a taste for righteous indignation and thereafter greedily sets off in search of offenses to fight and victims to protect. As such, we should be thankful for the good work that Pokrov has done. We must not tolerate clerical abuse. Consider the Roman Church’s problems from the past few generations; disease was allowed to fester, and the rot damaged many lives. A “watchdog” for clerical abuse performs a good service for the Church. However, the overreach and hysteria of Pokrov demonstrate that even well intentioned paths might lead to peril. There are predatory clerics, but there are also predatory laymen who realize what power they can wield through false accusations. Pokrov enthusiastically enables such folks, and their mission may have perverted them by making them hostile to traditional hierarchy and authority in the Church. They label Orthodox monasticism cultish, and they have whored themselves out to modernists who despise traditional Orthodox praxis and doctrine.
In the midst of those who truly labor for justice there is a mighty crowd of busybodies who have discovered a guise for their vice that earns them praise, respect, and money. Among them are mediocre, passive aggressive souls who nevertheless seek status and dominion over others. They lack the typical traits of leadership that result in such, but they have tasted a parasitic form of power by bringing down the exalted and proud. And they hunger for more. They are the high priestesses of slave morality.
We have long known that Washington is full of leftist idealogues, but I did not think that the current climate approached the peculiar depravity of the Clinton era. Even with all the anti-white racial Marxists in power, even granting the outré views of Obama’s appointments like Kevin Jennings, I did not expect to see the second coming of Joycelyn Elders. Lo, ChoiceUSA gives us Strokey the Penguin to excite support for new rules from the Department of Health and Human Services:
Read about Strokey in Roll Call, “Strokey for Safe Sex.”
Once, the Left was composed of Fabians, Bolsheviks, Progressives, and New Dealers. Now, we have Code Pink, Tinseltown ninnies, and the brilliant libertines behind Strokey’s funk. And still conservatives are unable to defend their civilization!
A few days ago, I was browsing old articles on The Independent when I came upon Johann Hari’s “The Dark Side of Dubai.” Hari examines the virtual slavery that undergirds the Emirate kingdom; he reports on the working conditions of Dubai’s foreign labor force and the wicked means of their enslavement. Hari also notes the complicity in and enthusiastic acceptance of this system of slavery by the Emerati populace and by Westerners. The article moreover details the corruption and lack of transparency that pervade government and business in Dubai. It appears that the most colorful counterexample of third world dysfunction has been nothing but a mirage.
Hari has suffered lately from lapses in professional ethics, and perhaps we ought not to take his reporting as credible. I, myself, always approach leftist crusaders with a healthy amount of skepticism. Nonetheless, there is a place for leftwing muckrakers who expose human exploitation. If there is truth to Hari’s report of Dubai, we should not be surprised that the shining example of Arab progress has turned out to be a flashy, tacky fabrication. Cultural transformation demands centuries if not millennia, and we really expected nomadic Mohammedan barbarians to transform into social democrats in a generation? Furthermore, men universally have always been quick to enslave and to exploit. Human beings are largely predatorial, and concerns for justice and human dignity will always remain an interest only for the few.
It is back to school time, which evokes both misery and nostalgia in so many of us. I used to get new clothes, shoes, and school supplies at this time. Along with Christmas and my birthday, it was one of the few times of the year that I was able to indulge in American consumerism. I also love the transition in the weather. After the dog days, the cooler, cleaner days of September make me happy to be alive. The smell of the air hints that autumn is close, with its delights of the harvest, but not yet. September has its own, pleasant feel, mixed with memories of lunch boxes and bus rides on misty mornings.
I was not sure how to file the following site, but I think that it fits the “anthropology” category. It examines an odd aspect of our society, and it offers some sage advice: 100 Reasons NOT to Go to Graduate School. As I have written before, as in “A Place for Us” and “Burnham’s Liberalism Test,” a healthily constituted society finds a place for all of its members. This applies to the bright as well as to the dull. I wonder if one of the reasons for the perpetuation of empire throughout history is to find such a niche for the talented—in war and then in provincial administration.
The Daily Mail has published several color photographs of wartime London: “Blitz Britain: Amazing colour pictures of London under siege from Nazi bombers during World War II.”
The photographs elicit a mixture of horror and pride—horror over what the West did to itself and pride of British tenacity. Last year in my post about the destruction of German cities, “German Architecture after the War,” I wrote:
The pictures reveal horrendous devastation. I must repeatedly ask myself what lunacy must have prompted Europeans to engage in such fratricide—and suicide—in the first half of the twentieth century. To consider the amount of human, social, and civilizational destruction that occurred in the last century, with two world wars, totalitarian dystopia, and the alienation of Europeans from their past is profoundly disturbing. So much was lost, and what was gained? Wisdom? The West is full of fools finding themselves wise in their decadence.
I would like to believe that suffering leads to spiritual maturity, and there are many cases of that throughout history. Yet, suffering may also lead to a loss of faith, resignation to hedonism, and the triumph of nihilism. Have the wars and tyranny of the twentieth century improved the West in any way?
Last week, I featured several Monty Python videos that I happen to like, though they demonstrate the fall in Albion’s public standards. This week, Arimathea will continue to be Anglocentric, and who better to feature than the Anglocentrist Enoch Powell? Powell delivered his “Birmingham speech,” better known as the “Rivers of Blood” speech, on April 20, A.D. 1968. A political and social uproar ensued, but the British people rallied to his support, and the populace chose a Conservative majority in the general election of A.D. 1970. However, the Conservative government under Edward Heath betrayed its people, as so many “conservative” governments have, by doing nothing to prevent the further Balkanization of the country. Indeed, Heath pursued a leftist agenda that not even Lady Thatcher could undo, including Britain’s entanglement in the European Union. Powell was disowned by the official Right—a prophet crying in the wilderness.
The supreme function of statesmanship is to provide against preventable evils. In seeking to do so, it encounters obstacles which are deeply rooted in human nature.
One is that by the very order of things such evils are not demonstrable until they have occurred: at each stage in their onset there is room for doubt and for dispute whether they be real or imaginary. By the same token, they attract little attention in comparison with current troubles, which are both indisputable and pressing: whence the besetting temptation of all politics to concern itself with the immediate present at the expense of the future.
Above all, people are disposed to mistake predicting troubles for causing troubles and even for desiring troubles: “If only,” they love to think, “if only people wouldn’t talk about it, it probably wouldn’t happen.”
Perhaps this habit goes back to the primitive belief that the word and the thing, the name and the object, are identical.
At all events, the discussion of future grave but, with effort now, avoidable evils is the most unpopular and at the same time the most necessary occupation for the politician. Those who knowingly shirk it deserve, and not infrequently receive, the curses of those who come after.
A week or two ago I fell into conversation with a constituent, a middle-aged, quite ordinary working man employed in one of our nationalised industries.
After a sentence or two about the weather, he suddenly said: “If I had the money to go, I wouldn’t stay in this country.” I made some deprecatory reply to the effect that even this government wouldn’t last for ever; but he took no notice, and continued: “I have three children, all of them been through grammar school and two of them married now, with family. I shan’t be satisfied till I have seen them all settled overseas. In this country in 15 or 20 years’ time the black man will have the whip hand over the white man.”
I can already hear the chorus of execration. How dare I say such a horrible thing? How dare I stir up trouble and inflame feelings by repeating such a conversation?
The answer is that I do not have the right not to do so. Here is a decent, ordinary fellow Englishman, who in broad daylight in my own town says to me, his Member of Parliament, that his country will not be worth living in for his children.
I simply do not have the right to shrug my shoulders and think about something else. What he is saying, thousands and hundreds of thousands are saying and thinking - not throughout Great Britain, perhaps, but in the areas that are already undergoing the total transformation to which there is no parallel in a thousand years of English history.
In 15 or 20 years, on present trends, there will be in this country three and a half million Commonwealth immigrants and their descendants. That is not my figure. That is the official figure given to parliament by the spokesman of the Registrar General’s Office.
There is no comparable official figure for the year 2000, but it must be in the region of five to seven million, approximately one-tenth of the whole population, and approaching that of Greater London. Of course, it will not be evenly distributed from Margate to Aberystwyth and from Penzance to Aberdeen. Whole areas, towns and parts of towns across England will be occupied by sections of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population.
As time goes on, the proportion of this total who are immigrant descendants, those born in England, who arrived here by exactly the same route as the rest of us, will rapidly increase. Already by 1985 the native-born would constitute the majority. It is this fact which creates the extreme urgency of action now, of just that kind of action which is hardest for politicians to take, action where the difficulties lie in the present but the evils to be prevented or minimised lie several parliaments ahead.
The natural and rational first question with a nation confronted by such a prospect is to ask: “How can its dimensions be reduced?” Granted it be not wholly preventable, can it be limited, bearing in mind that numbers are of the essence: the significance and consequences of an alien element introduced into a country or population are profoundly different according to whether that element is 1 per cent or 10 per cent.
The answers to the simple and rational question are equally simple and rational: by stopping, or virtually stopping, further inflow, and by promoting the maximum outflow. Both answers are part of the official policy of the Conservative Party.
It almost passes belief that at this moment 20 or 30 additional immigrant children are arriving from overseas in Wolverhampton alone every week - and that means 15 or 20 additional families a decade or two hence. Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependants, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population. It is like watching a nation busily engaged in heaping up its own funeral pyre. So insane are we that we actually permit unmarried persons to immigrate for the purpose of founding a family with spouses and fiancés whom they have never seen.
Let no one suppose that the flow of dependants will automatically tail off. On the contrary, even at the present admission rate of only 5,000 a year by voucher, there is sufficient for a further 25,000 dependants per annum ad infinitum, without taking into account the huge reservoir of existing relations in this country - and I am making no allowance at all for fraudulent entry. In these circumstances nothing will suffice but that the total inflow for settlement should be reduced at once to negligible proportions, and that the necessary legislative and administrative measures be taken without delay.
I stress the words “for settlement.” This has nothing to do with the entry of Commonwealth citizens, any more than of aliens, into this country, for the purposes of study or of improving their qualifications, like (for instance) the Commonwealth doctors who, to the advantage of their own countries, have enabled our hospital service to be expanded faster than would otherwise have been possible. They are not, and never have been, immigrants.
I turn to re-emigration. If all immigration ended tomorrow, the rate of growth of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population would be substantially reduced, but the prospective size of this element in the population would still leave the basic character of the national danger unaffected. This can only be tackled while a considerable proportion of the total still comprises persons who entered this country during the last ten years or so.
Hence the urgency of implementing now the second element of the Conservative Party’s policy: the encouragement of re-emigration.
Nobody can make an estimate of the numbers which, with generous assistance, would choose either to return to their countries of origin or to go to other countries anxious to receive the manpower and the skills they represent.
Nobody knows, because no such policy has yet been attempted. I can only say that, even at present, immigrants in my own constituency from time to time come to me, asking if I can find them assistance to return home. If such a policy were adopted and pursued with the determination which the gravity of the alternative justifies, the resultant outflow could appreciably alter the prospects.
The third element of the Conservative Party’s policy is that all who are in this country as citizens should be equal before the law and that there shall be no discrimination or difference made between them by public authority. As Mr Heath has put it we will have no “first-class citizens” and “second-class citizens.” This does not mean that the immigrant and his descendent should be elevated into a privileged or special class or that the citizen should be denied his right to discriminate in the management of his own affairs between one fellow-citizen and another or that he should be subjected to imposition as to his reasons and motive for behaving in one lawful manner rather than another.
There could be no grosser misconception of the realities than is entertained by those who vociferously demand legislation as they call it “against discrimination”, whether they be leader-writers of the same kidney and sometimes on the same newspapers which year after year in the 1930s tried to blind this country to the rising peril which confronted it, or archbishops who live in palaces, faring delicately with the bedclothes pulled right up over their heads. They have got it exactly and diametrically wrong.
The discrimination and the deprivation, the sense of alarm and of resentment, lies not with the immigrant population but with those among whom they have come and are still coming.
This is why to enact legislation of the kind before parliament at this moment is to risk throwing a match on to gunpowder. The kindest thing that can be said about those who propose and support it is that they know not what they do.
Nothing is more misleading than comparison between the Commonwealth immigrant in Britain and the American Negro. The Negro population of the United States, which was already in existence before the United States became a nation, started literally as slaves and were later given the franchise and other rights of citizenship, to the exercise of which they have only gradually and still incompletely come. The Commonwealth immigrant came to Britain as a full citizen, to a country which knew no discrimination between one citizen and another, and he entered instantly into the possession of the rights of every citizen, from the vote to free treatment under the National Health Service.
Whatever drawbacks attended the immigrants arose not from the law or from public policy or from administration, but from those personal circumstances and accidents which cause, and always will cause, the fortunes and experience of one man to be different from another’s.
But while, to the immigrant, entry to this country was admission to privileges and opportunities eagerly sought, the impact upon the existing population was very different. For reasons which they could not comprehend, and in pursuance of a decision by default, on which they were never consulted, they found themselves made strangers in their own country.
They found their wives unable to obtain hospital beds in childbirth, their children unable to obtain school places, their homes and neighbourhoods changed beyond recognition, their plans and prospects for the future defeated; at work they found that employers hesitated to apply to the immigrant worker the standards of discipline and competence required of the native-born worker; they began to hear, as time went by, more and more voices which told them that they were now the unwanted. They now learn that a one-way privilege is to be established by act of parliament; a law which cannot, and is not intended to, operate to protect them or redress their grievances is to be enacted to give the stranger, the disgruntled and the agent-provocateur the power to pillory them for their private actions.
In the hundreds upon hundreds of letters I received when I last spoke on this subject two or three months ago, there was one striking feature which was largely new and which I find ominous. All Members of Parliament are used to the typical anonymous correspondent; but what surprised and alarmed me was the high proportion of ordinary, decent, sensible people, writing a rational and often well-educated letter, who believed that they had to omit their address because it was dangerous to have committed themselves to paper to a Member of Parliament agreeing with the views I had expressed, and that they would risk penalties or reprisals if they were known to have done so. The sense of being a persecuted minority which is growing among ordinary English people in the areas of the country which are affected is something that those without direct experience can hardly imagine.
I am going to allow just one of those hundreds of people to speak for me:
“Eight years ago in a respectable street in Wolverhampton a house was sold to a Negro. Now only one white (a woman old-age pensioner) lives there. This is her story. She lost her husband and both her sons in the war. So she turned her seven-roomed house, her only asset, into a boarding house. She worked hard and did well, paid off her mortgage and began to put something by for her old age. Then the immigrants moved in. With growing fear, she saw one house after another taken over. The quiet street became a place of noise and confusion. Regretfully, her white tenants moved out.
“The day after the last one left, she was awakened at 7am by two Negroes who wanted to use her ‘phone to contact their employer. When she refused, as she would have refused any stranger at such an hour, she was abused and feared she would have been attacked but for the chain on her door. Immigrant families have tried to rent rooms in her house, but she always refused. Her little store of money went, and after paying rates, she has less than £2 per week. “She went to apply for a rate reduction and was seen by a young girl, who on hearing she had a seven-roomed house, suggested she should let part of it. When she said the only people she could get were Negroes, the girl said, “Racial prejudice won’t get you anywhere in this country.” So she went home.
“The telephone is her lifeline. Her family pay the bill, and help her out as best they can. Immigrants have offered to buy her house - at a price which the prospective landlord would be able to recover from his tenants in weeks, or at most a few months. She is becoming afraid to go out. Windows are broken. She finds excreta pushed through her letter box. When she goes to the shops, she is followed by children, charming, wide-grinning piccaninnies. They cannot speak English, but one word they know. “Racialist,” they chant. When the new Race Relations Bill is passed, this woman is convinced she will go to prison. And is she so wrong? I begin to wonder.”
The other dangerous delusion from which those who are wilfully or otherwise blind to realities suffer, is summed up in the word “integration.” To be integrated into a population means to become for all practical purposes indistinguishable from its other members.
Now, at all times, where there are marked physical differences, especially of colour, integration is difficult though, over a period, not impossible. There are among the Commonwealth immigrants who have come to live here in the last fifteen years or so, many thousands whose wish and purpose is to be integrated and whose every thought and endeavour is bent in that direction.
But to imagine that such a thing enters the heads of a great and growing majority of immigrants and their descendants is a ludicrous misconception, and a dangerous one.
We are on the verge here of a change. Hitherto it has been force of circumstance and of background which has rendered the very idea of integration inaccessible to the greater part of the immigrant population - that they never conceived or intended such a thing, and that their numbers and physical concentration meant the pressures towards integration which normally bear upon any small minority did not operate.
Now we are seeing the growth of positive forces acting against integration, of vested interests in the preservation and sharpening of racial and religious differences, with a view to the exercise of actual domination, first over fellow-immigrants and then over the rest of the population. The cloud no bigger than a man’s hand, that can so rapidly overcast the sky, has been visible recently in Wolverhampton and has shown signs of spreading quickly. The words I am about to use, verbatim as they appeared in the local press on 17 February, are not mine, but those of a Labour Member of Parliament who is a minister in the present government:
‘The Sikh communities’ campaign to maintain customs inappropriate in Britain is much to be regretted. Working in Britain, particularly in the public services, they should be prepared to accept the terms and conditions of their employment. To claim special communal rights (or should one say rites?) leads to a dangerous fragmentation within society. This communalism is a canker; whether practised by one colour or another it is to be strongly condemned.’
All credit to John Stonehouse for having had the insight to perceive that, and the courage to say it.
For these dangerous and divisive elements the legislation proposed in the Race Relations Bill is the very pabulum they need to flourish. Here is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have provided. As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding; like the Roman, I seem to see “the River Tiber foaming with much blood.”
That tragic and intractable phenomenon which we watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic but which there is interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own volition and our own neglect. Indeed, it has all but come. In numerical terms, it will be of American proportions long before the end of the century.
Only resolute and urgent action will avert it even now. Whether there will be the public will to demand and obtain that action, I do not know. All I know is that to see, and not to speak, would be the great betrayal.
The era that followed Powell’s speech marginalized him and anyone else in Britain who protested the transformation of their nation. A re-education campaign succeeded in indoctrinating the masses into thinking that the loss of culturally and ethnically unified nations within the kingdom was a social good. Yet, the intentionally engendered chaos has caused some to wake from the trance. When will it become mainstream, again, to say that Enoch Powell was right? There is a lot of ruin in a nation, but eventually the destruction takes its toll.